Traditional Environmental Protectionism in Tibet Reconsidered Toni Huber Before becoming involved in Tibetan studies I worked in the field of forest ecology, often studying natural ecosystems which have been heavily modified by the human activities of recent centuries. Lately I have also been involved in teaching a university course on belief systems and ecology, so I was naturally interested to read Marcy Vigoda's article 'Religious and Socio-Cultural Restraints on Environmental Degradation Among Tibetan Peoples - Myth or Reality?' in this journal (vol.XIV, no.4, pp.17-44). I am glad that she has contributed to the scholarship on this important topic, and I find myself sympathetic to her conclusion that the ethics of some non- Christian world-views, such as Tibetan Buddhism, can inform us very positively about our relationship with the natural environment in the modern world. While I agree too that, to some extent, aspects of traditional Tibetan religion and culture acted as a restraint on environmental degradation, I also feel that the relation between what Tibetans believed and what they actually did in the past was not as straight-forward as Vigoda would have us think, and that she has somewhat misrepresented the record of life in traditional Tibet in order to make her point. While Vigoda has consulted much material to demonstrate links between religious beliefs, and cultural and social practices and "...an ethos of environmental protectionism" (p.17) in traditional Tibet, I found aspects of this presentation unsatisfactory. After taking the trouble in her introduction to emphasise the bias that exists in much of the literature on Tibet, she unfortunately then goes on to introduce her own unacknowledged bias with a selective presentation of data on traditional Tibetan beliefs and practices relating to the environment. I believe there is partiality in all texts, and I too have my own bias here in presenting materials which Vigoda has chosen not to draw attention to. I am writing from a position which considers that. Tibetans, like all pre-modern peoples, actively exploited the natural environment in spite of their beliefs. Also, that the recognition of this leads us to ask an alternative set of questions to those which Vigoda has posed about traditional environmental protectionism and its relevance for present-day concerns. In the following brief notes I will restrict myself to discussing mining, hunting and the killing of animals, aspects of the Tibetan social system and an interesting example of a sacred nature preserve in pre-1959 Tibet. Mining in Tibet After a discussion of Tibetan belief in autochthonous spirits(1) associated with the earth, water and other natural features Vigoda states (without reference to sources) that there was "...a prohibition on mining in Tibet" (p.27), and "The prohibition applied to gold, silver, copper, iron and lead..." (p.39, n.27). This statement is certainly incorrect and there are various references to mining in Tibet in traditional texts, and many references to it in European language accounts of Tibet in this century. To begin with Vigoda cites a traditional model (without giving any sources) for a ban on mining which originated from the semi-legendary 8th century Indian siddha Padmasambhava. There is, however, an excellent indigenous model for mining found in the biography of the well known 15th century Tibetan saint Thang-stong rGyal-po. Thang-stong engaged in a kind of spiritually inspired mineral prospecting, through which he discovered various large deposits of iron ore in the Himalayan borderlands of Tibet. He organized the mining and forging of the ore so that it could be used to construct his famous chain-link suspension bridges.(2) The religious legitimacy of this model for Tibetans is that Thang-stong is regarded as a bodhisattva, the most potent ideal of human perfection in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, and that his mining was a benevolent aspect of his enlightened activity.(3) As for the actual extent and nature of Tibetan mining an early European description of Tibet by the Capuchin Francesco della Penna in 1730 states, "There are many gold mines in the provinces of U, Tzang, Chang, Takpo, Kombo, Kham, and silver (as far as it is known) in the province of Khams. There are also mines of iron, copper ... sulphur, vitriol, cinnnabar, cobolt, turquoise stones, a yellow substance called paula, borax, rock-salt ... [etc. a range of other minerals, crystals and soils in mentioned]."(4) Gold mining (gser-'don) was widespread in Tibet for centuries, the major goldfields being near Thak-jalong on the Changthang, around the headwaters region of the Lo-ro Chu and Bya Chu in lHo-kha, and areas throughout Western Tibet. Later accounts by Bailey, Bell, Hedin, Norbu, Pranavananda, Sherring and Waddell, to name but a few, describe the mining operations of the Tibetan gser-pa, or 'goldsearchers' and 'goldwashers' in these and other areas.(5) The Tibetan government itself generated tax revenue from gold mining operations (a poll-tax on miners of 10-12 rupees per annum in about 1905), which an official known as the gser-dpon or 'Gold Master' set out from Lhasa to collect.(6) Some powerful aristocratic houses had independent control over gold mining on their lands, such as the lHa rGya-ri of E, who sent workers to dredge the riverbeds on their claims.(7) Tibetan gold was traded in Lhasa, and also exchanged for goods in India.(8) Tibetan Iron was also traded along the southern borderlands.(9) It is also known that there was a major iron mine in sPo-smad, sulphur and lead were mined along the eastern Tsangpo,(10) lead and borax in Western Tibet,(11) and silver and mercury at Litang and Batang in the east.(12) It is clear from the accounts that while holding their beliefs about nature spirits Tibetans from both the upper and lower strata of society were openly involved in mining for livelihood and profit. There are a few examples of gold and borax mines being closed in the immediate area of the great sacred lake Manasarovar in Western Tibet, ostensibly because of a local smallpox outbreak said to be connected with spirits disturbed by mining.(13) Given the special sanctity of this area for Tibetans this was hardly a surprising action, but as Vigoda herself indicates (p.28) bans on mining were in reality not simply 'spiritual' (2 Pages missing) them in a sanitised fashion.19 Now with frank lay and subaltern accounts available we have more information about the actual extent of such practices before the 1950s.20 As one reads a greater number of different Tibetan accounts what is revealed- is on the one hand the propensity, through either need or greed, of ordinary folk in Tibet to engage in activities such ;as hunting and other acts unwholesome in the Buddhist view, and on the other the pressure that the Buddhist'clergy had to maintain on them not to.21 It seems to me that such questions as this 'ethical tension' in Tibetan society 'and its dynamics should be investi- gated in discussions of the relationship between beliefs and practices relating to the envirorunent. Attention to such issues would help to reconstruct just what an 'ethos of environmental protectionism' in traditional Tibet, meant; was it - a deeply committed part of individual and collective belief structures, or more a set of occasional actions tailored in response to urgina from an ecclesiastical elite? Part of my aim in mentioning all the above is that when traditional societies undergo transformations to modemisation, higher impact on the natural environment in places like Tibet is not just a one-way street of exqgenous changes (c.E Vigoda pp33-4). What happens to the environment as a result of major change is not only a product of the introduced ideologies and influences like Maoism and Western tourism in Tibet. Tibetans have responded to change on the basis of what they already know and did in their traditional society. An example of this is the case of the fur trade, something which we know already existed in traditional Tibet.22 Although the external demand is now much greater than it ever was in the past, and species like antelope, bear, snow leopard and other cats are now becoming endangered by hunting pressures, it is Tibetans themselves who are hunting and providing the skins, selling them, and in many cases illegally trading them out of the country.23 Hunting and the fur trade may have taken on new, and perhaps tragic dimensions in modem Tibet, but their existence today is just a continuation of an aspect of the Tibetan way of life in the past. The Tibetan Social System In her article Vigoda has made various comments on the Tibetan social system and characterises it in terms of 'non-development' (p.24) and 'successful stagnancy' (p.25) due to its social and religious institutions. She later promotes the ""...relatively low productivity of traditional systems..." as perhaps the most suitable models for development in areas such as Tibet (p.35). While all this may be fine with regard to environmental impact, she neglects to mention something I feel is of fundamental importance to these issues: the human dimensions of the traditional Tibetan social system which allowed for its apparent 'environmental friendliness'. Any thoroughgoing analysis of Tibetan society2A finds that by all present standards it was one which produced and perpetuated gross inequalities, and particularly disadvantaged the laity, women and non-Buddhists. 'Me system maintained the mono- polisation of capital, both symbolic and material, and political power by a small group of aristocrats and the main religious institutions, especially the dge-lugs-pa church, and depended heavily upon the Tibetan form of serfdom as its economic base. As far as the description 'successful stagnancy' goes, the system was indeed 'successful' for the elite who did enjoy successful exploitation, continuing to accumulate wealth, build up their institutions and extend their power, and it was indeed 'stagnant' for the majority of ordinary folk whose low levels of material life and social status were reproduced for centuries to the advantage of the minority. This leads me to inquire how, and even if, certain 'environmentally sound' institutions, beliefs and perhaps even ethics, can be de-linked or abstracted from the total context of the traditional societies in which they appeared successful, and then applied in a new context of human social and political relations that would be acceptable in the modern world? Questions of this sort are 'the hard ones' for practical eco-politics, and although she gives no pithy discussion of them Vigoda is at least correct in stressing that as a first step local knowledge must be closely integrated into any strategy for change. A Traditional Nature Preserve In Tibet I would like to complete these notes by briefly discussing a Tibetan institution which in some senses we could refer to as a 'Tantric Buddhist national park, and which is a concrete "ample of how beliefs directly influenced environmental pro- tectionism in Tibet. In the district of Tsa-ri to the south of Dwags-po is the snow peak of Dag-pa Shel-ri,. one of Tibefs most venerated holy mountains, It hai long been the location of several important pilgrimages and the hermitages of Tantric yogins. Large numbers of pilgrims and meditators from all over Tibet regularly visited the mountain and its sacred precincts. One of the principle reasons for the mountain's great sanctity was the belief in its actual identity with a leading Tantric Buddhist tutelary deity (vi-dam) Cakrasamvara, his consort Vairavirihi and a lare assembly of Tantric deities such as dakinis, ksetrapalas, etc. The mountain, its environs and all the living beings there were themselves considered sacred because of an aspect of this identification. In the 14th century the 3rd Karma-pa incarnation Rang-byung rdo-rje said of the place that "As there are sacred manifestations of the dikws as people of all kinds, and animals, and various beasts of prey and game one should not cause harm, and should generate a posi- tive view towards everything [at Tsa-ri] because one cannot know just how they will appear." Thus any threat to, or taidng of life was ruled out, and the region became a Buddhist nature sanctuary. At least in the main Tsa-ri valley to the east of the holy mountain, in the area between the Kong-mo pass and Klo-mi Khyim-bdun (Migyitiln) village, the taking of all life, animal and insect, was prohibited and even the tilling of soil for crop cultivation was banned. How did the Tsa-ri sanctuary function and what were the' implications of its operation? From what I presently know, within the fixed boundaries local Tibetans for the most part respected the prohibitions, although they continued to hunt game and cultivate crops immediately adjacent to the area. 28 Tsa-ri received many thousands of pilgrims annually, and due to the nature of Tibetan pilgrimage practice and motivation it was much less of a problem for them to obey the prohibitions29 than it was for the local inhabitants. Nevertheless, total protection could not be achieved because of political difficulties associated with the region!s location along an ill-defined frontier, and during certain seasons parties of Ariinachal Daflas hunted game in the sacred area regardless of Tibetan prohibi- tions?o Ironically, the Tibetan Government encouraged hunting in the general. region as the Lhasa authorities required Tsa-ri-bas to supply them with musk (gla-rtsi) and bear's gall (doin-mkhris) when village representatives were given an annual grant of grain in return for managing resthouses (tshul-khang) on the holy mountain. As a result Tsa-ri-bas hunted many musk deer and bears just outside of the central pilgrimage area. While nature was left unexploited within a defined area, humans had to adapt and as traditional agriculture and hunting were disallowed there was a considerable economic impact on those who resided in the villages throughout the Tsa-ri district. Not only did the Tsa-ri-bas have to purchase or trade their food stocks from adjacent crop growing regions, but they also had to meet the regular tax obligations imposed by government admi- nistrators, and the local aristocrats in hia-yul. While tax obligations were partly discharged by performing corvee labour ('u-lag) and through servicing pilgrims and officials visiting the holy sanctuary, Tsa-ri-bas were forced to spend much time on extensive begging tours (sanctioned by the goverm-nent) to obtain food, and to accumulate cash and trade items necessary for later food purchases and remaining tax payments. The restrictions also lead to inflation in the local economy, and what food there was to be purchased within the Tsa-ri district itself was very expensive, with traders at times making food supplies the object of speculations To my present knowledge the Tsa-ri sanctuary was unique in Tibet in terms of its size, the prohibition on cultivation and the extent to which it effected conununity economics and lifestyle. If Tsa-ri is an example of a positive link between Buddhist beliefs and nature protection we should note that the doctrines so often cited in relation to Buddhist environmental protectionism, such as the prohibition on the taking of life, and theories of causality and karma were not the fundamental basis for the existence of the Tsa-ri sanctuary, although they undoubtedly helped maintain it in practice. Rather, it was based on an esoteric Tantric tradition concerning embodiment (kdya) which became applied in a very particular way in a unique Tibetan religious context. AJso, generally comparing the Tsa-ri sanctuary in traditional society with the existence of ;nodem parks and preserves in present-day Asia and elsewhere it is interesting to see that some of the same issues, such as poaching, political boundaries and effects on local econoniies and people's lives are resonant tliemes. Vigoda maintains that ,g ... the Tibetan experience is of relevance to us today." (p.33), and I respond that we must meet the challenge of looking very closely and critically at the past to see if, and exactly how, it might inform us constructively regarding our own present and future. Concluding Remarks In recent years there has been a blossoming dialogue between the proponents of religious systems such as Buddhism and the ecology movement."' I believe such exchanges are vital if we are to evolve a new worldview. to check processes of global environmental degradation. This is also a time when many people (including myself) are looking towards the traditional values and lifestyles of pre-modern societies to inspire and help put into practice our growing environmental consciousness, and I also consider this to be a valuable exercise. However, there is now increasing scholarly recognition of a gap between the 'ideal' and the 'real' (i.e. what was believed and what was actually done) in presentations of how pre-modem societies lived in relation to the natural-world. There is a noted tendency to idealise life in traditional societies, particularly those whose belief systems have been adopted as a spiritual basis for the modern ecology movement. While looking at past ways of living in places like Tibet we should, as scholars, be careful not to distort the historical and ethnographic record of those societies in order to strengthen our own case. Footnotes: 1. In introducing this section Vigoda gates 44 ... Budih*,m in Tibetan areas is distinct from its practice elsewhere by virtue of its integration (rather than expulsion) of these early indigenous influences.,, (p.26). Howmr, it should be pointed out that all major anthropological studies of other Asian Buddhist cultures contradict this assertion. 2. See Gyatso (1986), pp-93-4; Stein (1972), pp.27, 79. 3. It is perhaps no coincidence that the saint's portrait, including a small vignette of his mining operation (found in the upper right-hand conier), appeared in a recent Chinese collection of a new style of Sino-Tibetan painting, see dkar-mdws Bod-ris (1987), 'Thang-stong rgyal-po' by Blo-bzang Byang-chub and skal-bzang Ye-shes, plate 35, p.41. Many of these images have been carefully chosen and constructed to subtly cast traditional Tibetan icons and culture into the mould of the modern Chinese historiography of Tibet, and also the ideals of the Communist state, such as technological advance and increased production and development, for which the figure of Thang-stong as traditional engineer and miner, etc., is ideally suited (note also the similarity of the image to Karl Marx in the portraiture of Socialist Realism!). 4. Markham (1989), p.316-17. 5. Bailey (1914), p.36 & (1957), pp.187-88, 193; Bell (1928), pp.110-111; Hedin (1909), pp.279, 287, 324; Norbu (1960), p.53; Pranavananda (1949), pp.49-51; Sherring (1974), pp.156,302; Waddell (1905), pp.474-5 & 'Map of Route to Lhasa' at end of volume. 6. Sherring (1974), p.302; Hedin (1909), p.324, also mentions the 'Serpun-lam' (Tib. = gser-dpon lam ) as the road along which the officials traveled to levy the gold tax. 7. Bailey (1914), p.36 & (1957), p.188; On E as a famous gold-bearing region see Karsten (1980), p.163. 8. Pranavananda (1949), p.49 on Lhasa gold trade; Waddell (1905), p.102 on gold trade to India via Phari, and p.478 on gold and silver exports via other routes. 9. Bailey (1914), pp.32-3 10. Bailey (1914), pp.35-6 11. Sherring (1974), pp.263,302 on borax mines; Pranavananda (1949), pp.49, 51 on borax and lead mines. 12. Waddell (1905), p.475. 13. Sherring (1974), p.302; Pranavananda (1949), p.49. 14. When the 13th Dalai Lama returned to Tibet from his exile in Darjeeling in 1913 he signaled a new, but short-lived, era of modernization in a general proclamation issued at the time; with regard to development he stated such things as, "Tibet is a country with rich natural resources ... Some local officials and landowners are jealously obstructing other people from developing vacant lands ... People with such intention [as obstructing] are enemies of the State and our progress." see Goldstein (1989), p.61. One of the four young aristocrats sent to England by the Dalai Lama at this time for a Western education studied in'm& Goldstein, pp.158-9, n.24; and a survey of the mineral wealth of Tibet was conducted in the early 192Ct, Goldstein, p.12L The progress of these and other modemisations was thwarted mainly by the Tibetan clerical elite and monastic institutioin, not because of Buddhist beliefs or ethics, but because they were seen as a threat to the continued increase of their wealth and status in Tibetan society. 15. Bell (1928), p.111. 16. Ekvall (1964), p.75. 17. Some examples are given by EkvaH (1964), pp.75-6. 18. Goldstein & Beall (1990), pp.124-8. 19. An exception is the 14th Dalai lama's elder brother who says of life in A-mdo, "AJtogether, hunting played quite a role in our lives@ because there was plenty of game in the neWibourhood.", Norbu (1960), pp.55-6. 20. See for example Richardson (1986), pp.34,65 on the monastic demand for large furs and the involvement in hunting of Tibetan clerics; and Norbu (1986), pp.61-3 for an interesting account of wild yak hunting, and pp.70-1 on export of game products from Eastern Tibet; also an earlier source, Combe (1926), pp.110-11, on hunting and the fur and game products trade in parts of Khams; on the use of exotic skins by the elite see also the plates in Tsgrong (1990) of the Dalai LamA's leopard skin tent (p.4) and tiger skins used in marriage rituals (p.73). 21. One still finds this ethical tension between clerics and laity in Tibetan communities today. An excellent published example of it in a Tibetan community is found recurring in a series of traditional autobiographies of Dol-po lamas which span the 15th-16th centuries, see SncUgrovc (1967), all the refs. to 'hunting' in index, A classical model for this relationship in Tibetan society is found in the popular story of the saint Mi-la Ras-pa's conversion of the deer hunter Khyi-ra-ba mgon-po rdo-de, we Chang (1977), pp.275-86. 22. WaddeU (1905), pp.480-3 lists at least 15 different fur species available in Lhasa markets in 1903-4, including Himalayan tiger, snow leopard, bear and also trophy stag's heads for sale; see p.478 on fur and musk exports from Lhasa; Bailey (1914), p.33, 35 on musk trade and exports; Richardson (1986), pp.34; Combc (1926), pp.110. 23. My knowledge of the modern fur trade was pined while in Tibet during 1987 and 1990; see also Goldstein and Be&U (1990), p.124 & W. 24. See especially Goldstein (1989), pp-3-37. 25. The beat Western sources on the sacred landscape of Tsa-ri are Martin (1988), pp.356-7, (see also his article and bibliography on the area); and Stein (1988), pp.37-43. 26. Kun-grip Chos-kyi snang-ba, E17a,7-17bl: / sna tshogs mi dang dud'gro dang // gcan gzan ri dwags sna tshogs la // mkha"gro'i rnam 'phrul dag pa yis // ji ltar ston pa mi shes phyir // bsdigs pai mi bya dag snang Z7. Bailey (1914), pp.10, 68, and p.7 of Morshead's report in the same volume; Bailey (1957), pp.198,202. 28. Interview with Tsa-ri-ba Sonam Pagyal in Rajpur, February 1991; Bailey (1914), pp.10, 69. - 29. It is common for Tibetans to renounce activities such as any taking of life (e.g. hunting, and even killing vermin insects) while on pilgrimage so as to increase the merit generated by the observance. Pilgrimage also helps eliminate the defdcments one accumulates due to actions such as the taking of life. Worship at Tsa-ri was regarded as particularly effective for this purpose. Padma dkar-po, p.90, said of Tsa-ri that "Circumambulating it is the most excellent means of purifying dordements." (/ 'di bskor ba ni sdig sgrib sbyong ba'i thabs mchog yin pa ... /). 30. Bailey (1914), pp.11,19; This fact may explain the observation by Bailey and Morshead that, "As no animals may be killed in the district we were rather surprised to see no game and very little signs of animal life at an except in the main Tsari valley.". pp.11-12. 31. Interview with Tsa-ri-ba Sonam PagyaL Feb. 1991. 32. Interviews with Tsa-ri-ba Sonam Pagyal and Sherab Gyatsho Jan.-Feb. 1991, and rtsa-ri Tshul-pa bKra-shis-lags, ms. pp.20-24 on taxation details and subsistence beggin& According to them Tsa-ri-bas went as far as Kong-po, Dar-rtse-mdo (Tachienlu) on the Sz=huan'border and to Western Tibet (stod) and Darjeeling in order to live by begging; see also Bailey (1914), p.10 who records their visits to spo-smad and Tawang. The Lhasa authorities and high ranking clerics from the 'Brug-pa and 'Bri-gung-pa sects issued the Tsa-ri-bas with slong-)dg ('begging certificates') to sanction this activity. 33. Bailey (1914), p.11, and Morshead's report, p.7; Bailey (1957), 201. 34. On Buddhism see for example Dhanna Gaia A Harvest of Essays on Buddhism aiid EcoloV, (1990); Tree of Life. Buddhism and Protection of Nature, (1987). References: Bailey, F.M., Report on an Erploradon of the North East Frontier. Simla, Government Monot)W Press, 1914. No Passport to 7-ibet. London, The Travel Book Club, 1957. BelL C., 77ie People of 7-ibet. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1928. Chang, G.C.C., 77te Hundred 7housand Songs of Milarepa, vol.l. Shambhala, Boulder, 1977. Combe, GA., A Yibdan on 7-ibet. L4Dndon, T. Fisher Unwin, Ltd, 1926. Dharma Gaia. A Hamm of Essays in Buddhism and EcoloV. (ed.) Allan Hunt Badiner, Berkeley, Parallax Press, 1990. EkvalL R.B., Religfoga Obsenances in 7'ibeL- Patterns and Function. Chicago,The University of Chicago Press 1964. Goldstein, M., A History of Modem 7'ibe4 1913-195L 7he Demise of the Lamaist State. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1989. Goldstein, M. & C.Beall, Nomads of 7-ibet. The SurWval of a Way of Life. London, Scrindia Publications, 1990. - Gyatso, J., 'Thang-stong rgyal-po, Father of the Tibetan Drama Tradition: The Boddhisattva as Artist., In Zios-gar. (ed.) Jamyang Norbu, Dharamsala, Library of Tibetan Works and Archiver,, 1986, pp9l-104. Hedin, S., Tmw-Himala^ voLZ London, Macmillan and Co, 1909 Intemew mth rtso-n Tshul-pa bKm-shis4ap about the Holy Place rtsa-m etc. Cursive Tibetan ms, recorded 1987. Oral history materials, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala. Karsten, J., 'Some Notes on the House of Lha rGya-ri', In 7ibetan Studies in Honoitr of Hugh Richardson. (Eds.) M. Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi, Warminster, Aris & Phillips, 1980, pp.163-8. Kun-gzigs Chos-kyi snang-ba, (&h 'Brug- chen), Risa-pi gnas-bshad rmw-pw bshad-pal leu. In Pxm 7ibetan Texs ftom Nepal. Dolanj4 Tashi Dorjk 1976, ff.1-59. dkar-mdzes Bod-iisl Ganzi Zanghua.Chengdu, Sichuan Minzu Chubanshe, 1987. Markham, C.R., Narratives of the Afission of Geor8c Bogle to ribe4 and of the Jotimey of 7homas Manning to LAasa. New Delhi (reprint edition), Cosmo Publications, 1989. Martin, D., 'For Love or Religion? Another Look at a'low Song! by the Sixth Dalai Lama', Zduchrift der druischen MoWnlandischen C.-esellschaft, 1988, pp.349-63. Norbu, J, Warriors of Tiba. London, Wisdom Publicatiorm, 1986. Norbu, TJ., 7-ibet is My Country. London, Rupert Hart-Da* 1960. Padma dkar-po, (4th 'Brug- chen), Criias chen tsa ri tra I ngo mtshar inang ba pad dtar lep bihad Darjeeling, Lama Sherab Gyatso, 1982. Pranavananda, S, Kail@u Minasarovar. New Delhk Swami Pranavananda, 1949. - Richardson, H.E., Advenwra of a Tibetan Fighting Monk. Bangkok, The Tamarind Press, 1986. Sheffing, CA, Weste?n Tibet and the Indian BordoWd. 1916, (reprw edition), DelK Cosmo Publications, 1974. Sneilgrove, D.L, 1;;?tir Livnas of Dolpo, vol. I. Oxford, Bruno Cassirer, 1967. Stein, RA., Tibetan CiWlizadon. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1972. -Grottes-matrica et lieu7t saints de la diesse en Asie Orientale. Paris, twie Francaise d'Extreme-Orient, 1988. Tree of Life. Biiddliism and Protection of Nature. (ed.) Shann Davies, n.p., Buddhist Perception of Nature, 1987. Tsarong, D.N., tiliat Tibet Was. As seen by a native photographer. New DeK Dundul NamMW Tsarong, 1990. Vigoda, M., 'Religious and Socio-Cultural Restraints on Environmental Degradation Among Tibetan Peoples-Myth or Reality,.?', -7he Tibet founial, vol.XIV, no.4, 1989, pp.17-44. WaddelL LA., Lliasa and Its Mysteties. London, John Murray, 1905.